繭紫掖模偃疇濠

5. THE CHONDOGYO PEOPLE＊S MOVEMENT, NATIONAL MOVEMENT, AND CULTURAL MOVEMENT

    The Chondogyo People's Movement, National Movement, and Cultural Movement did not simply evolve out of Chondogyo's? nationalist position. Rather, they unfolded within the context of modern Korean history through Chondogyo's? philosophical background and religious doctrine.
   First of all, from its very beginnings Chondogyo has promoted a fundamental egalitarianism based on the concept of "I serve God within me?sicheonju, 蒮蘢颸). Seen from a Chondogyo religious perspective, the People? Movement and the National Movement, which both concerned the lives of the people oppressed by forces of injustice, evolved into social movements as a matter of course.
   Chondogyo also has the important religious objective of "supporting the nation and comforting the people?bogugan-min, 嗝玿颭硠). Viewed from the perspective of Chondogyo philosophy, unleashing the anti-invasion movement in protest of foreign powers encroaching on Korea was entirely appropriate and natural.
    But Chondogyo does not stop with the objective of "supporting the nation and comforting the people? for it is a religion with the important religious ideal and objective of establishing an ideal society through a new creation known as "the post-Cosmic creation? Therefore, in order to establish the Chondogyo ideal of such a newly dimensioned society in the "post-Cosmic creation?it set into motion the People's Movement so as to repulse the afflictions of the people brought on by the forces of injustice, the National Movement in response to the encroachment on Korea by foreign powers and to satisfy the growing ambitions of a national consciousness, and the Cultural Movement so as to bring the lives of the people into greater harmony and into a higher dimension. It is, therefore, essential that we consider the philosophical background to the development of these movements.
   Thus these three Chondogyo movements of the modern era were not merely of a dimension limited to concern for the nation of Korea but were, from the perspective of human history, movements of profoundly important meaning in proposing to construct, for all humankind, a society in the new dimension of the post-Cosmic creation.

The Movement to Exonerate the Religion's Founde

    Following the execution of the founder and first supreme leader of Chondogyo, Great Master Su-un, Donghak followers of the time lived with great difficulty, owing to constant official suspicion and repression. Despite such circumstances, however, Master Haeweol continued on in the work of the Great Master, building church assemblies and strengthening church membership to such an extent that, by the thirtieth year of Podeok, the organization had spread throughout the country.
   Master Haeweol staged large gatherings in such places as Gongju, Samnye, Gwanghwamun, and Boeun, to demand the exoneration of the Great Master, to overturn his unjust death sentence, and to have Donghak formally recognized by the government. The movement was carried out on a very large scale throughout the country.
   The gatherings at this time were exceedingly peaceful and harmonious, and are thought to be the very first gatherings in Korean history representing the collective will of the people. In other words, these represent the first gatherings and demonstrations in Korean history in which the mass petitioning of the central government was carried out through the collective expression of the frustrated will of the people in a manner that was both peaceful and democratic.
   However, around the time of the last gathering in Boeun one can see a transition in the movement. Demanding reform of the government's corrupt policies, the movement had taken on a more specifically anti-Japan and anti-West coloration in response to the perniciously extended reach of the Foreign Powers.
   Therefore, rather than simply being a movement to exonerate the Great Master, founder and supreme leader of Donghak, the Movement to Exonerate the Donghak Founder was a people's movement of profound meaning, for it had gathered and mobilized the will of the people in demanding reform of the corrupt government. Moreover, it was a national movement of great significance as well, holding aloft the anti-Foreign Powers banner on behalf of all Koreans forced to endure the ever-increasing international encroachment in their country. It is these aspects that allow us to find a people? and national movement within the Movement to Exonerate the Donghak Founder.

The Donghak Revolution

   On the tenth day of the first month in the 35th year of Podeok(1894), in Gobu township, North Jeolla Province, the Donghak administrative head of the region, Jeon Bong-jun, led a crowd of several thousand unable to further tolerate the exploitation and tyranny of Gobu magistrate Jo Byeong-gap in attacking the local government office. It was this incident which touched off the Donghak Revolution.
   Upon the outbreak of this Donghak-led people's uprising, the Joseon court dispatched Royal Commissioner Yi Yong-tae to restore the peace. He rounded up many innocent people on the assumption they were Donghak followers and had them flogged. Other atrocities committed were the plunder of property, setting of fires, and the rape of women. With the situation taking such a turn, followers of Donghak throughout Jeolla Province ultimately came to raise the banner of revolution. Regional Donghak administrative heads Son Hwa-jung of Mujang, Gim Gae-nam of Taein, and Gim Deok-myeong of Geumgu, unable to further tolerate the exploitation and tyranny of Gobu magistrate Jo Byeong-gap, joined Jeong Bong-jun in leading an insurrection in Mujang. On the 21st of the third month, at Paegsan in Gobu a Donghak military force was organized, and finally it was decided that the revolutionary battle be joined. With Donghak Commander Jeon Bong-jun and his manifestoes, petitions, and plans of action at their head, Donghak soldiers, their many-colored unit banners flying, were roused as one to action under the slogans "away with violence, save the people?jepokgumin, 蘤齵洐硠) and "repel the West, repel Japan?cheokyang-cheokwae, 纁暷纁魶).
   Seeing Donghak forces advancing on Gobu, Royal Commissioner Yi Yong-tae was utterly terrified and ran off. After taking over Taein and Buan Donghak forces moved on to Dogyosan, and on the seventh day of the fourth month at Hwangtohyeon they achieved a great victory by taking control of Jeongeup, Hongdeok, and Goch"ang.
   The Donghak army, to avoid bringing harm to the guiltless peasantry, established twelve rules for military conduct, and discipline was strict. Wherever they went they were hailed by the people, and their strength and numbers grew by the day. Mujang, Yeonggwang, and Hampyeong were occupied until, on the twenty-third day of the fourth month, in a hard fought battle at Hwangyongcheon in Jangseong, the Seoul forces under Hong Gye-hun met with a resounding defeat. Finally, on the twenty-seventh day of the fourth month, Donghak forces, by occupying Jeonju, had seized control of the entire Honam region, with an advance on Seoul firmly in their sights.
   In this situation, the government army reported to the court that they had insufficient manpower to suppress the revolt. The emasculated and spiritless ministers at court thereupon committed treason against the nation by requesting the help of volunteer forces from the Chinese government. In this way, on the fifth and seventh days of the fifth month, some two thousand Chinese soldiers disembarked at Asan. More trouble came in the form of seven thousand Japanese soldiers who disembarked at Incheon on the sixth day of the fifth month and marched towards Seoul.
   By this time Donghak forces had made their triumphal entry into Jeonju, taken control of the entire Honam region, and were planning to head north towards Seoul. However, so as to not give the armies of either China or Japan a pretext for interfering in Korea, they suspended their northward march. After entering negotiations with government forces the "Jeonju Accord?was concluded by the two sides, which contained provisions for the implementation of "Reform Proposals for the Corrupt Government?and the establishment of Donghak "Overseer's Offices?jibgangso, 譖佽廑). In exchange, Donghak forces, on the eighth day of the fifth month, relinquished control of Jeonju and returned it to government troops. The twelve items of the "Reform Proposals for the Corrupt Government?are of great import and profound meaning, and represent the concrete first steps of Korea's modernization. Some of these proposals are as follows: "All crimes committed by greedy and corrupt officials shall be investigated and severely punished?"Tyrannical and overbearing people of great wealth shall be severely punished? "Slave registry documents shall be burned? "Discriminatory treatment of the seven classes of lowborn shall be ameliorated, and the wearing of the "Pyeongyang hat?by members of the very lowest class is no longer required?"A young widow shall be allowed to remarry?
   Furthermore, Donghak forces established "Overseer's Offices?in each of Jeolla Province? 53 administrative districts, and for the very first time in Korean history set up an independent people? government guided by an autonomous regional administrative system.
   The independent and autonomous implementation of these reforms were proceeding peacefully when Japan and China, claiming a moral obligation to suppress the Donghak followers and having mutual designs for domination over the other, landed their forces on the Korean peninsula, thereby setting the stage for the Sino-Japanese War. With the military balance of power favoring Japan, its forces quickly made King Kojong their virtual prisoner. A puppet government supporting Japanese policies was then set up, and the so-called Gabo Reforms(芄賝枆翴) were implemented.
   When Donghak forces learned the facts of the Japanese army's encroachment they once again collected their arms, retook Jeonju, and aimed for Seoul. Finally, on the 18th day of the ninth month, on orders from Master Haeweol, all Donghak administrative units from throughout the country assembled at Cheongsan in Chungcheong Province, and the violent specter of the Resistance War Against Japan was launched. To this purpose Donghak forces were mobilized from 339 regional units spread throughout the country to form a huge army numbering in the many tens of thousands. In the tenth month, already in control of the three southernmost provinces and the southeastern part of Chungcheong Province, they concentrated their main force at Nonsan and proceeded to march northward towards Gongju.
   At the battle of Seseongsan near Mokcheon Donghak forces inflicted roughly a thousand casualties, and at Iinyeok and Ongnobong in Gongju the main army crushed government forces, but when it reached Bonghwangsan on the twenty-second day of the tenth month, a great and bloody battle was joined at Ugeumchi in Gongju with Japanese troops. In the battle of Eugeumchi in Gongju, Eugeumchigogae was lost and retaken no less than forty to fifty times, and the area was strewn with dead bodies and drenched in blood. However, the Donghak army was no match for the powerful new weaponry and superior firepower enjoyed by the Japanese, and on the eleventh day of the eleventh month, with the dead covering Eugeumchigogae, they met with the undying bitterness of wretched defeat and retreat.
   Afterwards, with the intention of destroying all vestiges of Donghak, Japanese forces relentlessly and indiscriminately carried out punitive operations. During this time Donghak forces throughout the country, in Chongju, Hongcheon, Hadong, in Hwanghae Province and Pyeongan Province, and Sangweon, carried on with fighting, but after many gruesome and bloody battles they collapsed, having sacrificed some 300,000 lives in all. Afterwards, in the 39th year of Podeok(1898) Master Haeweol was captured and executed by government troops. He was 72.
   The Donghak Revolution came into being under dual banners of anti-feudalism and anti-foreign encroachment, but it was also the ardent wish of Donghak followers to bring about a society in the new dimension of the ?ost-Cosmic creation?

The Enlightened Reform Movement

   Following close on the heels of the Donghak Revolution was the Sino-Japanese War, which resulted in Korea ending its tributary status with China. Korea was then placed into yet another critical situation, with Russia and Japan vying for power on the peninsula. Revered Teacher Euiam, who at the time was living in exile in Japan, could not idly stand by and wait for the outbreak of the Russo-Japanese War. He therefore came to believe that the Enlightened Reform Movement was needed to move forward with the reorganization and mobilization of Donghak and the reform of government.
   To this end he had Yi In-suk petition the government and propose political reforms. However, the corrupt and ineffectual government authorities, far from realizing or even thinking of the fate of Korea that hung in the balance, merely had the petitioner Yi In-suk arrested.
   In the second month of the 45th year of Podeok(1904), war finally broke out between Russia and Japan. Understanding the urgency of the situation, Revered Teacher Euiam summoned key Donghak leaders to Japan where he directed them to organize a citizen's association. Upon returning to Korea these leaders named the association the Public Society(Daedonghoe, 豇婞𨗴) and secretly began the work of organizing them in all regions of the country. Two months later Bak In-ho and Hong Byeong-gi returned to Japan to brief Revered Teacher Euiam on the current domestic situation at home. Upon hearing their report, Revered Teacher Euiam gave them the following directive: "Return to Korea and have every Donghak member cut off his topknot(sangtu, 鼻癱) and wear his hair short. The reasons for having short hair are, firstly, because it is standard for those participating in world civilization, and it will strengthen our resolve and make our mind and will as one’’Only after cutting our hair short will we succeed in our aspirations.?br>    In accordance with this directive, beginning in the seventh month, the Public Society? name was changed to the Neutral Society(Jungniphoe, 齌堙𨗴), and efforts were made to strengthen its organization throughout all regions of the country. However, owing to increasingly extreme measures of government repression, these goals were not satisfactorily met. Seeing that things were going contrary to his wishes, Revered Teacher Euiam conferred with Gweon Dong-jin, O Se-chang, and Jo Heui-yeon, and issued the directive that the association's name would be changed to the Progressive Society(Jinbohoe, 蟼剺𨗴). Along with this came the order to dispense with the sporadic meetings that had been the norm up until then, and to rouse the million-strong Donghak membership to hold simultaneous convening sessions on the thirtieth day of the eighth month.
   Thereupon, with short hair and wearing modest clothing, society members, at the risk of their lives, clamored for the reform of both central and local government. The number of those who cut off their topknots exceeded ten thousand in one day. Within several days the number had reached roughly 200,000, and the banner of the Progressive Society flew over every region of the country. At the time approximately 360 regional chapters of the Progressive Society had been established. It created a major stir in political circles by calling for an end to the troubles of the people, the repeal of the many nameless sundry taxes levied on the citizenry, the denunciation of corrupt government, and a commitment to the revival of industry and education.
   However, when the government learned the true colors of the Progressive Society?hat it was a reincarnation of the Donghak that had led the Donghak Revolution?t mobilized the remnants of its confused and disorganized army. While resuming its suppressive efforts it negotiated with the Japanese military and, as in the past days of the Donghak Revolution, moved to eradicate Donghak. The frequent incidents of armed clashes, shootings, beatings, and killings contributed to a mood of fear. Especially grave was the tragedy that unfolded in Pyeongan Province in Taecheon, where several hundred church members were driven into the Gochigang River and drowned.
   At this time, the Japanese collaborationist group Advancement Society (Iljinhoe, 擩蟼𨗴), even with the support of the Japanese government, was just able to maintain the semblance of an organization. Seeing the tremendous rise of the Progressive Society, it tried to seduce its president Yi Yong-gu, by informing him of the government's plan to unite with Japanese forces to sweep away the Progressive Society using the same tactics it had exercised during the Gabo Donghak suppression, and that the only way for the society to survive would be for it to unite with the Advancement Society. Thereupon Yi Yong-gu betrayed Donghak, and in accordance with the wishes of the Advancement Society, on the thirteenth day of the tenth month of that year, the Progressive Society united with the Advancement Society and was transformed into a collaborationist organization under the latter? name. Having only belatedly discovered Yi Yong-gu betrayal, Revered Teacher Euiam, directed that all ties between Chondogyo and the Advancement Society be severed, and that Yi Yong-gu and others of his Japanese collaborationist entourage be expelled from the church. The directive came on the first day of the twelfth month in the 46th year of Podeok (1905), the same day that Revered Teacher Euiam proclaimed to the world that the name Donghak would be changed to Chondogyo.
vAlthough this Gapsin Enlightened Reform Movement met with collapse at the hands of Yi Yong-gu? betrayal, once can cite its profound significance, for writ large during its short existence is the astonishing extension, for the first time in modern Korean history, of people? rights, and the reforming zeal displayed by this Cultural Revolution.

The Samil Independence Movement

   After the national humiliation of annexation to Japan in 1910, Chondogyo, under the leadership of Revered Leader Euiam, spent nearly ten years in various forms of preparation for the Independence Movement. In order to reclaim Korea from Japan, the church continued to increase in power, while at the same time it prepared to carry out the movement for independence.
   It fostered a firm spiritual strength and a resolute desire for independence by establishing in Seoul's Uidong the Bong-hwanggak monastery, selecting roughly 500 representatives from throughout the country, and introducing them to a seven-stage program of disciplined training. These same individuals were later to lead the many Independence Movement demonstrations in all regions of the country. Furthermore, in order to secretly raise money for the Independence Movement it set up, in name only, the Central Church Edifice Construction Fund. Church members throughout the country were told to perform a forty-nine day special prayer for the restoration of independence, between the fifth day of the first month and the twenty-second day of the second month, in the sexagenary cycle year of gimi(1918). Mimeographing plans such as these for every parish in the country, it prepared in many different ways to carry out the Independence Movement in the name of the entire nation.
   In the first month of the 60th year of Podeok(1919) Revered Teacher Euiam held numerous meetings at his home with Gweon Dong-jin, O Se-chang, Choe Rin, and others, at the conclusion of which it was generally agreed to launch a nationwide movement for independence. In so doing, they set down three fixed rules: 1. It would be a popular nationwide movement. 2. It would be centrally planned and executed. 3. It would be carried out in a non-violent, passively resistant manner.
   After this, in a meeting at Choe Rin's home in the beginning of the second month, with Song Jin-u, Hyeon Sang-yun, and Choe Nam-seon in attendance, the earlier agreed-upon plans for the Independence Movement were given final approval. Four days later, at Chungang School in Gyedong, these same four men, after much discussion and careful deliberation, agreed to the following: 1. Joining with Christians, twenty to thirty people's representatives, including influential men of the older Korean generation, would be selected for the purpose of making a formal declaration of national independence. 2. It was agreed that Choe Nam-seon would assume responsibility for the contents of the independence declaration and its accompanying statement.
   Thereupon Choe Nam-seon and Song Jin-u sought out influential men of the older Korean generation, conferring with them on an individual basis, but immediate results were frustrating. To begin with, Choe Nam-seon, in order to negotiate with Christian representatives, asked Hyeon Sang-yun to convey the verbal message to Yi Seung-hun in Jeongju that he come up to the capital. But Hyeon Sang-yun delayed matters by entrusting this mission to Gim Do-t?e. Thus, when Yi Seung-hun finally received the message and hurriedly departed for Seoul it was already the eleventh day of the second month
   Another problem was that Japanese government authorities were becoming extremely vigilant and strict regarding Korean students in Tokyo who were active in the national Independence Movement. At this time, in order to avoid provoking suspicion, Choe Nam-seon chose not to meet directly with Yi Seung-hun. Instead he had Song Jin-u meet and confer with him. Song Jin-u informed Yi Seung-hun of Chondogyo plans for the national Independence Movement and requested that the Christian community join with them. Yi Seung-hun readily consented.
   The following day Yi Seung-hun traveled down to Seon-cheon, met with Yi Myeong-ryong and other Christian leaders, and received their approval as well. Then, for the second time, he returned to Seoul where he met with Bak Hui-do of the Young Men's Christian Association (Gidokyo-cheongnyeonhoe) and participated in a conference on national independence organized by Christians. Decisions resulting from this conference are as follows: 1. A petition for national independence would be presented to the Japanese government. 2. Signatures for the petition would be collected in Seoul and in all regional areas.
   On the twenty-first day of the second month Choe Nam-seon met with Yi Seung-hun, and together they paid a visit to Choe Rin, with whom they shared opinions and ideas. Unhappy with the Christian plan to petition Japan for independence, Choe Rin emphasized that Korea had to declare its independence. He further emphasized that the various religions and denominations acting alone and in their own way would not work, and that all had to unite and work in concert on this issue. At this, Yi Seung-heun deliberated further among colleagues present. Then, promising a response to Choe Rin's comments, and requesting that the originator of the Independence Movement make provisions for funding, the meeting broke up. Choe Rin, received the approval of Revered Teacher Euiam for the dispensation of Movement funds, and on the twenty-second he handed over 5000 Weon to Yi Seung-hun.
   Afterwards, Yi Seung-hun and Ham Tae-yeong, as representatives of the Christian side, met several times with Choe Rin, liaison to the Chondogyo side, resulting in agreement on seven concrete actions regarding the Independence Movement, including "The declaration of national independence will take place at Pagoda Park in Nagweondong on March the 1st at two o?lock in the afternoon.? and ?opies of the Declaration of Independence must be distributed among the people, and student groups and the people must resolutely stage marches and demonstrations while shouting ?ong live an independent Korea.梌
   Subsequently, thirty-three national representatives were decided upon, and in the evening of the twenty-eighth day of the second month they assembled at the home of Revered Leader Euiam, where, other than amending the site for the public reading of the Declaration of Independence to the Taehwagwan, all previously determined plans for the following day(Samil) received final approval. This united group of national representatives included 15 Chondogyo, 9 Methodists, 7 Presbyterians, and 2 Buddhists.
   At last, on the first day of the third month, these national representatives read aloud the Declaration of Independence and loudly shouted "Long live an independent Korea!? Male and female student groups assembled in Pagoda Park at the same predetermined time, and together with members of the general public, they too read out loud the Declaration of Independence. Then, shouting at the top of their voices "Long live an independent Korea!? they dispersed among the streets of the city to marched in demonstration.
   On this same day demonstrations occurred in Pyeongyang, Euiju, Gilju, Weonju, Seosan, Jeonju, Jinju, and elsewhere. These in turn led to an angry wave of humanity, of men and women, of young and old, through the length and breadth of the country, raising clenched fists in front of rifles and bayonets, shouting ?ong live an independent Korea? falling, yet standing up over and over again.
   Many of these independence fighters, beginning with the national representatives, were imprisoned. Many other unknown noble patriots were massacred. The Chondogyo organization was hit particularly hard, beginning with the arrest and incarceration of Revered Teacher Euiam and most of its important leaders.
   The Samil Independence Movement was an unprecedented event in human history. Although members of the Chondogyo religion formed its axis, the movement transcended religious and sectarian differences in the name of national independence, and there is no equivalent historic example of a people assembling in unified mind and spirit for such a purpose.
   As the Independence Movement intensified and grew within Korea? borders, Koreans abroad, with those living in exile at their center, expanded the scope of the movement, with many assembling in Shanghai to form the Provisional Government of the Republic of Korea (Daehanminguk-imsijeongbu). The lofty ideals of the Samil Movement also represent the basis for the founding principles of the Republic of Korea in later days.

The Yuksip Independence Movement

   When Sunjong, the last monarch of the Joseon Period died in the 67th year of Podeok, a nationwide demonstration similar in scope to the Samil Independence Movement was planned for the day of the royal funeral. This is known as the June Tenth National Independence Movement. This was largely a student-led independence movement initiated by the Korean Communist Party. But the socialist camp, concluding that the Left could not succeed in this alone, joined together with Bak Nae-rin and Son Jae-gi and others of the (at that time) strongly nationalist Chondogyo Youth Alliance (Chondogyocheongnyeondong-maengweon) in making concrete plans for the Movement.
   For Chondogyo's part, plans were made for patriots, farmers organizations, labor groups, youth groups, and regional Chondogyo assemblies to demonstrate in unison on June 10th. One hundred thousand pages of printed matter were prepared to this end and placed in safekeeping in the home of Son Jae-gi.
   However, just before the demonstrations were to begin their plans were discovered by the Japanese authorities, and of course the main Chondogyo leaders, beginning with Bak Nae-hong, were arrested while many of those under suspicion in the countryside were taken in for interrogation. Thus this plan met with failure.
   The number of people taken into police custody nationwide at this time was roughly 2000. Of these 2000, fifty receive prison sentences, one died from torture, and one died in prison. Five leaflets had been prepared for the day of the demonstrations, including one imprinted with the rallying cry "Long live an independent Korea!?and other items expressive of a united national will for independence.
   Although the June 10th National Independence Movement met with failure, it represents the first indication of unity between the socialist forces of the Left and the unyielding nationalist line of Chondogyo. It assumes an important place in the history of the Independence Movement as one of the influential events of the nationalist cause after the Samil Movement.